The story

Why wasn't Federal Republic of Central America a stable country?

Why wasn't Federal Republic of Central America a stable country?

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I read the Wiki page and an another good source of information of the Federal Republic of Central America (sometimes referred as United States of Central America). I see the process of how it fell apart, but I can't really find a decent description of the causes.

In the sense of culture, the federated states were similar, what were the reasons of its dissolution? Was it the result of the liberal-conservative conflict? Or something else?

The main thing that the Central American Republic going for it was its fear of Mexico. Otherwise, the countries had rather little in common.

The fear of Mexico diminished in the late 1830s, after Santa Anna was defeated by the Texans in the (1836) War of Independence. It might not be an accident that the Central American Republic started to dissolve around 1840. Ditto for the fact that the first countries to leave, Costa Rica and Nicaragua were the furthest away from Mexico, as well as being the most prosperous. (Panama was then part of Colombia, not part of the Central American Federation.)

The Federal Republic of Central America was not a stable country because the area it contained was very difficult to rule in a unified way. This was for several reasons:

  • The inhabitants spoke different languages
  • Some areas are mountainous and impassable, others are impassable jungle
  • There are relatively few roads
  • Malaria was endemic

Under these conditions it was difficult to govern with consensus. Even recently there have been many insurgency groups in these countries and little civil wars going on. It is hard enough just keeping Guatemala in one piece, much less the whole region.

United Provinces of Central America

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United Provinces of Central America, Spanish Provincias Unidas De Centro-américa, (1823–40), union of what are now the states of Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Costa Rica, and Nicaragua.

Since the 1520s these regions, along with the Mexican state of Chiapas, had composed the captaincy general of Guatemala, part of the viceroyalty of New Spain ( Mexico). In 1821 they became independent from Spain, and in 1822 they were joined to the ephemeral empire of Mexico, ruled by Agustín de Iturbide. Following Iturbide’s abdication in March 1823, delegates from the Central American provinces, representing mostly upper-class creoles, assembled at Guatemala City in July to declare themselves completely independent and to form a federal republic—the United Provinces of Central America. They drew up a constitution that provided for a federal capital in Guatemala City and a president for each of the five constituent states, which were to enjoy complete local autonomy suffrage was restricted to the upper classes, slavery was abolished, and the privileges of the Roman Catholic church were maintained. Manuel José Arce was elected first president in 1825.

Liberal-Conservative dissensions developed and soon erupted into civil war the Liberals gained control in 1830, when their leader, Francisco Morazán, was elected president. His administration quickly disestablished the church and passed a series of anticlerical laws other measures were enacted to promote trade and industry. In 1834 Morazán moved the capital of the foundering federation from Guatemala City, a Conservative stronghold, to San Salvador.

After an outbreak of cholera in 1837, which the clergy blamed on the “godless” Liberals, the Conservatives incited an Indian revolt. A mestizo rebel leader, Rafael Carrera, seized Guatemala City in 1838, whereupon most of the member states went their own ways. By April 1839, only El Salvador remained loyal. Morazán, after a disastrous defeat at the hands of Carrera in March 1840, resigned his office.

About 25 abortive attempts were made to restore the union. In the 19th century the Guatemalan government tried many times to gain hegemony over the other Central American states by force. Carrera, who controlled the Guatemalan government until his death in 1865, interfered frequently in El Salvador, Honduras, and Nicaragua by installing conservative regimes. Justo Rufino Barrios, Guatemalan president from 1873 to 1885, urged in 1882 that the old federation be revived in 1885 he declared himself its ruler and marched his army into El Salvador, where he was defeated and killed at the Battle of Chalchuapa (April 2).

What If The Nicaragua Canal Had Been Built Instead Of The Panama Canal?

This is not news to anyone who lives in this region, or who even pays attention to Central America. I’m hard-pressed to name anyone I know in Nicaragua who ever expected this would happen at all.

And that’s despite Amnesty International and Bianca Jagger “opposing construction” this summer.

What construction?

Lake Nicaragua, with Ometepe Island in the background. The lake is part of the proposed canal route / Eric Molina / Flickr / Commercial use allowed

There has been none. Construction should have started in 2014 for a 2019/20 opening. Zip. Nada. Apart from some half-hearted land clearance, that is. No shovels in the ground. They should be halfway through construction by now, according to the original plan.

Wang Jing, the Chinese businessman behind the $50 billion project, lost something like 85 percent of his fortune in the Chinese stock market collapse of 2015. Understandable a shellacking like that might cool his enthusiasm for a multi-billion investment in Nicaragua.

Since Wang Jing and the Nicaraguan government proposed the canal, nothing about the project has added up.

The environmental impact, the number of jobs expected and expected revenue has all been murky. Just about nobody considers the Nicaragua Canal viable.

Is HKND pulling out of Nicaragua?

The only concrete thing that has taken place is a bill, Law 840, passed by the Nicaraguan National Assembly in 2013. The bill grants Wang Jing responsibility for the canal’s construction. It also gives his consortium, Hong Kong Nicaragua Development (HKND) ownership and control of the canal until 2129.

Problem is, Wang no longer comes to Nicaragua or speaks to Nicaraguan officials. HKND officials are pulling out. No-one is replacing them. This thing is a dead duck.

To further advance my dead duck theory, it appears the Chinese are more interested in taking advantage of the melting sea ice in the Arctic Ocean and using the famous North West Passage across the top of Canada to move their ships and goods from the Pacific to the Atlantic.

What if they had built the canal in Nicaragua in the first place?

Proposed Nicaragua Canal routes over the years (the red route is the current HKND proposal) with the constructed Panama Canal route displayed too / Kaidor (Wikipedia)

But it makes me wonder though. What if they had built the Panama Canal in Nicaragua in the first place? What if Wang Jing’s project wasn’t needed because Nicaragua already housed the trans-isthmus canal instead of Panama? How much would that have changed the region?

First, let me issue my disclaimer. I am not an expert on late 19th and early 20th-century Central American history. Not by a long way.

I’m interested in Central American history and I love the politics and intrigue of both Nicaragua and Panama, but an expert I am not. All I am doing (in a shameless way) is speculating, nothing more. I would love anyone with more factual knowledge than me to chime in whenever they want.

I’ve been to Panama a bunch of times and know Panama City pretty well. It’s a place I love, the most vibrant, cosmopolitan city in Central America, bar none.

The Panama Canal fascinates me. I’ve sailed and fished in it. I’ve crossed the Panama Canal’s bridges and I’ve stood beside both the Miraflores and Gatun locks and marveled. The Path Between The Seas by David McCulloch is the most thumbed-through book on my shelf, read for the first time when I arrived in this part of the world.

A history in four bullet points

I’ll not go far into the canal history here—this is a piece of shameless speculation, remember? If you want the historical scoop, I urge you to read McCulloch’s book. But a quick idiot’s guide to the trans-isthmus canal goes like this:

  1. Spanish explorers arrive on the isthmus.
  2. Spanish explorers reach the Pacific and realize the isthmus IS an isthmus. The conquistador Hernan Cortes writes in 1524 that a canal between the Atlantic and the Pacific would “be worth more than the conquest of Mexico.”
  3. The Spanish dream of linking the two oceans, followed by everyone else in the world.
  4. Many people consider Nicaragua and a few people consider Panama. Panama wins.

How’s that for crunching history, geopolitics, and intrigue into four bullet points, eh?

But what if Nicaragua won?

An 1870 map of Nicaragua showing a proposed canal route / Wikipedia (public domain)

Nicaragua was where people always crossed the isthmus. From the Caribbean, they traveled up the Rio San Juan to Lake Nicaragua. Then across the lake and a short 20km trek to the Pacific coast.

The theory was it would be much cheaper and easier to use the natural waterways of the Rio San Juan and Lake Nicaragua. Way easier than blasting through the Continental Divide like they did in Panama. Nicaragua was in the works and to most Latin America watchers back then, it was a done deal.

What sunk the Nicaragua project was a well-coordinated character assassination conducted by the Panama Canal backers to discredit the Nicaragua option as unstable owing to the volcanic activity in the area.

The Panama lobbyists won, Nicaragua lost, and the rest is history.

Panama, with US support, split from Colombia and became the Republic of Panama. The Americans built the canal which remained under US control until 1999. Then the Panamanians took over.

Panama Canal, Nov 2017 / foundin_a_attic / Flickr / Commercial use allowed

Panama became a global hub of trade and commerce while Nicaragua became the poorest country in Central America and the second poorest in the hemisphere.

Some shameless speculation

Protesting the proposed Nicaragua Canal in 2013 / Jorge Mejía Peralta / Flickr / Commercial use allowed

So that’s the idiot’s guide over. A brief, not at all detailed, summary of why the canal is where it is and not where many wished it to be. Again, if you want more detail, read the book.

So again, what if? What if they built the canal in Nicaragua in the first place? How would Nicaragua be now? How would Panama be now? Would Panama even exist or would it still be part of Colombia? How would Colombia’s history be if Panama had not left?

If the original canal passed through Nicaragua, would the Central American countries of Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Guatemala, El Salvador and Honduras have joined? Would we now live in a reincarnation of the short-lived Federal Republic of Central America?

Or would Nicaragua have grown into the trade hub that Panama did on its own?

Would we have seen a poor Costa Rica sandwiched between a rich Nicaragua and an enormous Colombia? Would Nicaragua even have stayed together?

The British might have hung around the Mosquito Coast longer. That area might have developed into its own nation-state, sharing the canal with Nicaragua. Who knows? Speculation.

Perhaps the Somozas would never have risen

Or if they arose, maybe a richer Nicaragua would have taken the edge of the seething resentment generated by the dictatorship. Would the US have turned such a blind eye to the Somoza regime’s excesses given they were controlling the most valuable waterway in the world?

Would cooler heads have prevailed all round? I’m not saying, I’m only asking. Just speculating.

But if cooler heads had prevailed. If the Nicaraguan people had not felt they had to rise up for their rights against the Somozas. Perhaps fewer Nicaraguans would have been living in grinding poverty with a canal. Less poverty might have stayed off the revolution.

Comfortable people take to the streets less. So, would that have meant the turmoil of the 70s and 80s in Nicaragua wouldn’t have taken place? This doesn’t take into consideration the possibility of the Somozas taking all the canal revenue for themselves. Which they most likely would have.

With a canal, would Nicaragua be a country where Costa Rican migrant workers came to instead of the other way around?

But this whole thing is forever fascinating. Because I’m here and I love all this stuff. I can’t offer any answers—I’m only speculating.

Is reforming the federal republic of Central America an actual sentiment or is just more of a meme?

You guys are also doing much better than any other country in Central America and better than the Latin American average, so yeah, it’s better to keep it like this.

Kinda like a meme or an actual sentiment of a minority, at least here, but most people don't really care about it

I seriously advocate for it

What I've been told by a couple of friends from Honduras and El Salvador is that it's more of a Guatemalan thing. Guatemala city was the main center of government for both previous incarnations of an unified Central America, so some Guatemalans see that idea as a way of acquiring more land/restoring their country's relevance in the region.

This is (of course) a dubious fact and I'm not even sure if it reflects the actual opinions of Central Americans. I'm just remembering it now.

La tragedia de centroamérica - A Central America AAR

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La tragedia de centroamérica

This is the short tale of the height of Central America the bridge between two worlds. A slither of land that mothered a great civilization into the immortality of history. The bottleneck of an empire whose glittering treasure fleets were outshone by the golden shore. After achieving independence, Central America was considered the most troubled region of the New World, whose idealism and determination of liberty, equality, and unity surpassed its capacity of deliverance. What began as a democratic experiment sparked into a wild fire of ambition and thirst for power. In a few short decades, the region, former colonies united under a federal republic, went from a country that teatered on the brink of dissolution to a respected power. But just as its altruistic drive for solidarity and victory helped forge this federation, so to did it cause its tragic downfall. Corruption, political division and manipulation, and poverty proved foils to liberalism, pluralism, and free democracy. Despite its short life and questionable history, its footprint in the history of Central America continues to inspire Central Americans and Latin Americans. For a short while, these poor nations stood united against countries many times its size, and for a while appeared victorious. Perhaps one day, the dream of Simón Bolívar will manifest itself. but not today. ​

This is being played with Victoria: Revolutions with the latest patch and latest version of VIP. I will be playing this very realistically but, for the sake of creativity, not 100% historically. The goal of this AAR is to survive and strive realistic prosperity while taking into account the impulsive and fractional state of Central American politics. Thus, this AAR will focus mostly on domestic affairs and run-ins with neighbors, including the mighty United Kingdom. Also, I realize i the game Central America is referred to as the United States of Central America, but in its constitution the country was officially called the Federal Republic of Central America. Central America will therefore be referred to as the FRCA throughout the AAR, if not just as Central America.

By the way, this is the 1000th thread in the Victoria AAR forums. Let us hope this is a good sign!

Finished AAR for Victoria Original with VIP - The Silver Age: A Spain AAR - Winner of the VictAARian Silver Cross of 2006


Second Lieutenant

Cinéad IV

Justified and Ancient




First Lieutenant


Hijo de Santiago

Sons of Santiago - Restored Narrative AAR for Victoria II
Last Update: 25/09/2012


Field Marshal


Enewald Enewald Enewald



It was early and morning breeze brushed against the branches of palm leaves. The orange glow of the sun beamed through a small hole in the stone ceiling. From the rectangular opening above the sunlight illuminated the centre of the cell where a dirty bowl of rainwater stood. The reflection on the water stabbed my sleep-depraved eyes as I awoke. Brownish swirls of filth moved around over the water’s surface. I never thought I could feel so sickened so early in the morning, yet so tempted. I was so thirsty, I didn’t care. I approached the bowl, on my knees, and extended my hands. Small black masses fell from the sky and splashed into the water. I blinked and stared in wonder at the things floating on the water’s surface.

I looked up at the bird standing on the edge of the hole. My face of wonder turned an expression of disgust and disappointment. I fell on by butt and sighed.

I couldn’t believe it all came down to this. This wasn’t the first time I was arrested. The secret police caught me in anti-government activity many times. They always released me because of my age at the time, but this last one wasn’t just any protest or demonstration. This was it. This was the end of the revolution that I, so young, fought for. The Supreme Tribunal itself sentenced me and my compatriots to death. In a few hours, we were to be hanged in the Plaza Federal for all to see. I waited, sitting on the dirty floor with all the others to take our last breathes. I looked around at all the faces of the brave men in the cell who stood up against tyranny. Some were soldiers, well-tested in many victorious campaigns. Some were labourers and farmers who wore the clothes of the campesino proudly. But most were thinkers scholars, artists, and professionals of many political backgrounds. They all gave their talent and strength to the leadership of one man. This man inspired us inspired to fight for the federation that united all of our people. For the country that was once uplifted from oppression. For the country that was once Central America the Free.

The iron door of the prison entrance opened. Two soldiers grunted as they dragged a man in a torn-up suit into the cell. A group of guards stood by the gate and watched over us with their rifles and bayonets. I quickly crawled back to my spot as they threw the man by the bowl of water and locked the cell. The soldiers took out a couple of cigars from their pockets and passed them out among the guards. A guard lit a lantern brought in from the warden’s office. They enjoyed the Habana tobacco as they waited by the cell.

The new prisoner’s face was purple from mutilation. He struggled to pull himself to the bowl of water. Without lifting his head, he pulled himself above the bowl and dipped inside. I looked on, squinting and sticking my tongue out as the contaminated water engulfed his head into the bowl. His arms began wailing. He was too weak to pull himself out. A group of men rushed over and pulled him out as the guards turned and laughed.

Que pringao!” one of them said while blowing a sweet puff of smoke.

The men laid him gently on the ground as the others looked on lazily as they sat by the walls of the cell. The man must have been someone important. Few have the money to afford a nice suite like that well, a once nice suite. One of the prisoners supported his head on a rock as the man coughed out the brown water. The prisoner kneeled by him while the others returned to their spots.

“You must have been pretty desperate to drink that,” he told the scarred man. The man looked at him.

“How are you, my old friend?” he said.

The prisoner squinted and tried to decipher his identity. His voice was barely audible, but I recognized it. I jumped from my spot as if bitten by a mad dog and ran towards the man.

“It’s Morazán, el Director!”

The men immediately looked up, astounded. The prisoner looked into the man’s eyes surrounded by the dark ruptured veins under his skin. He gave a great gasp.

“José? Is that you? But. ” said as he looked down his crippled body. His face was destroyed and totally unrecognizable.

“Yes, it’s him. It’s him!” I exclaimed.

Cipote”, he called me, “Why are you here? I told you this wasn’t a game. This is real life.”

“The Revolution is my life,” I told him.

The other prisoners rushed over to the mutilated man, to their leader with hushed screams of “It’s el Director!”, “Is it really him?”, and “Yes, he’s alive!”
while the soldiers and guards banged their rifles against the iron gate.

“He’s alive! Viva el Director! Viva el Presidente Morazán!” the men cheered over the calls of silence.

“ ‘Presidente’ Morazán?” a deep voice echoed down the hall of cells. A soldier entered.

“Attention!” he yelled out. The guards and soldiers by the cell quickly lit-out their cigars and saved them in their pockets and under their sleeves. A group of soldiers entered and lined the sides of the hall, rifles and bayonets armed across their chests. A tall man stepped into the dark jail, his shadow stretching down to the end of the hall. The war medals clanged across his chest with every powerful step he made with his heavy, leather boots. I could not see his face only his attire. The bright colours of his decorations stood out from the darkness of the jail. I could only guess who it was. The executioner? They are executing us early? Why?

As he reached the gate of our cell he stopped.

“Open it” he commanded the guards, who quickly got out the keys and opened the gate. The prisoners including myself stepped away from the man on the ground and scattered to the sides of the cell. A dozen soldiers entered with the large man. He looked at the prisoners from one end of the cell to the other as he made his way to our leader. The sunlight through the opening in the ceiling revealed the man’s face. He looked down as he stood over the injured man on the ground.

“Calderón. ” the man said from below. We looked on, helpless.

The man in uniform knelt down, his leather boots squeaking as they stretched. His sweaty, balding head shined under the light.

“ ‘Presidente,’ eh? ‘Presidente Morazán’” the general said. He was José Miguel Calderón, President and Commander-in-chief of the federation.

“It sounds so sweet, doesn’t it?” he asked. “To put your filthy name next to an honourable title like that. How proud it must make you feel. How accomplished you must feel.”

“It felt sweet, once” director Morazán said. “But now, I only feel shame in claiming your rightful and God-given title.” The general nodded, surprised at the words of confession of his mortal enemy.

“Because. ” Morazán coughed and gestured for the general to come closer. The man leaned down towards Morazán’s unrecognizable face.

“Because. ” he continued, “the seat of President is only fit for a madman.” He laughed in Calderón’s face. Calderón pulled himself away quickly and stood up, his face red and his arms poised to strangle the bit of life left in the man. He restrained himself and cleared his throat as he looked at his men. He looked back down at Morazán.

“You will never know how sane I am,” he said. “He looked at the prisoners until he reached my face and stopped.

“This is no place for a child.” With a nod to one of his soldiers, he overturned my execution order. A soldier grabbed me out of my spot and I struggled to get free.

“Get off me! I will die with all the others!” I yelled.

Cipote,” Morazán called. The soldier and I looked at him and then at the general. Calderón nodded his approval, and the soldier pulled me near the man. Morazán pulled me close.

“The Revolution is not over. Don’t let it be.” he and whispered into my ear as my tears dropped on his skinless cheek.

“I’m sorry,” were my last words to him.

“Don’t let it be” he whispered one last time as the soldier pulled me away. The general looked away without turning back. The soldiers left and once again locked the cell. That was the last time I saw him, José Francisco Morazán, second true President of the Federal Republic of Central America, and leader of the Revolution against the evil that had crippled it.

At the same time the next morning, a band of crows covered the Plaza Federal, picking off the flesh of courageous men.

Finished AAR for Victoria Original with VIP - The Silver Age: A Spain AAR - Winner of the VictAARian Silver Cross of 2006


Enewald Enewald Enewald




Hijo de Santiago

Sons of Santiago - Restored Narrative AAR for Victoria II
Last Update: 25/09/2012


Bezrodniy kosmopolit

The SalopAARds - A CKII AAR A tale of hijinks and lowlifes in Norman Sicily.

Second Lieutenant

Very dramatic! I was expecting the youngster to be rescued in some way or another, but not Morazán's inclusion. I still don't understand the political situation completely, but I'm hoping that'll change with the next updates. Wonderful spanish too not sure if you're a native speaker.

Will this be primarily a story driven AAR, or will there be history book or gameplay elements?

I'll keep a close eye on this, in part due to the realism that you're striving for, and which I'd like to learn as well.



Thanks for the response! To clear any confusion, this opening takes place about 25 years after the start of the Grand Campaign in which many important in-game events take place. The next chapters and several others will consist of the retelling of those past events by the narrator you just heard. The narrator was a child during the events but is retelling them as an adult. This is an AAR based on game events (in-game wars, in-game economic developments, in-game random events, etc.) but narrated and portrayed mostly by characters that I have made up. Morazán is an exception, he was in real-life the second President of united Central America. I don't want to give anything more away. I will be posting ingame screenshots and historical pictures.

Yes, I am a Spanish speaker (I'm Spanish-American). I doubt they said "pringao" back then, but "cipote" is a word hondureños use to refer to little kids, or naughty little kids in both a playful and a serious manner. At least, according to Central American friends I have Also, Morazán was a hondureño in real life.

Finished AAR for Victoria Original with VIP - The Silver Age: A Spain AAR - Winner of the VictAARian Silver Cross of 2006

Second Lieutenant

Ah, muy bien. Que tiengas buena suerte con tu AAR . I can't wait to see how the story unfolds. It certainly sounds like there's been a whole lot of trouble and unrest in those 25 years.

Also, regarding your next AAR, I hereby cast my vote for Portugal




Centuries ago, conquistadores explored this impervious land. They awed at the ruins of an ancient civilization that once thrived here. Canals that flowed up mountains, temples that defied the sky, and cities that mothered astronomers. They asked for the creators of this magnificence. Surely, these must be the remnants of Greek colonists or Egyptian traders, or the lost cities of Atlantis or Tartessos. But what they saw before them were the creators themselves. Not one people, but many groups of people. They told them that they were all once one people, which had fallen from the grace of their gods. They were now disorganized, hungry, and easily conquerable.

Conquest was swift, subjugation brutal, and oppression widespread. Pedro de Alvarado, brother and soldier of Hernán Cortés, conquered large swaths of Central America in the 1520s and 1530s and ruled personally as governor of the new possession named Guatemala. Called Tonatiuh, meaning “sun” in the native Nahuatl language, Alvarado was infamous for his brutality. Missionaries were disgusted by his love of throwing alleged criminals and pagans into the cages of war dogs. They protested to the Spanish Crown and the Catholic Church at the burning of slaves to quench his thirst of cruelty. Priests and shamans alike predicted his fate and of those around him. Following a battle against native rebels in 1541, the Sun Conqueror was crushed under his horse and died. His wife, Beatriz de la Cueva, succeeded him as governor, but she died soon after along with much of her family and servants in a volcanic landslide. The office of governance was forever cursed.

For three-hundred years, Central America struggled under rigid colonial rule. During of Spain’s own War of Independence, revolution finally took root in the Spanish Empire. Spain’s costly victory over Napoleonic France in 1814 dried the empire of blood and gold and inspired anti-colonial leaders to rise up for the freedom of the Americas. All throughout the empire, predominantly liberal leaders united in the colonial juntas to voice their grievances of Spain. Following the end of war with France, King Ferdinand VII of Spain agreed to follow the Spanish Constitution of 1812 a liberal document that addressed many of these grievances. The Constitution granted the colonies greater economic and political liberties. Finally, the future of Latin America seemed brighter. But foolishly, upon gaining the throne, Ferdinand revoked the Constitution. He immediately ordered the purge of liberal leaders in the military and government. Within weeks, those leaders were rounded up in the centre of Madrid and executed. Ferdinand called for a new reconquista to preserve the crown’s absolute control over the colonies. The King vowed that all who resist will meet same fate of the famed Spanish liberal Rafael del Riego. But the juntas defied the King. The Wars of Independence for the Americas had begun.

The State of Independence

Francisco Morazán once wrote that for a nation to be “born,” it must be forged by the hearts and strength of the people. One requires a revolution. In 1821, the leaders within the Captaincy-General of Guatemala agreed to the independence of Central America. And after a short Mexican administration, the Federal Republic of Central America was formed, but not truly “born.” As you will now see, there was no revolution when Central America needed it most. The new government became a step of convenience for the avaricious to further strengthen despotic rule.

José Cecilio del Valle became the first President of the Federal Republic of Central America. Del Valle, referred to as El sabio, or the Wise One, was the most respected leader in the young nation. Illness and ultimately death stalked him through his short rule. Nonetheless, his incorruptibility and neutrality in party politics provided a rare peace in Central America. A philosopher, del Valle helped draft the federation’s constitution in 1824. The constitution was based on the liberal Constitution of 1812 and established a fair representative-democratic government, abolished slavery, and separated the Church and the State. He made serious efforts to develop the nation. Del Valle was the first to propose an inter-ocean canal through Central America to realize the dream of Simón Bolívar that Central America, with its blessed location, could be the “centre of the universe.” Unfortunately for del Valle, the Federation did not progress much further. His enemies and his friends alike would not allow it. A successful federation of Central America would be the end of a tradition of oppression, and the “way of things” in Central America.

Following independence, the criollo aristocracy – Spaniards born in the west – assumed control. The criollos carved-out their own kingdoms from the federation: Guatemala, El Salvador, Honduras, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panamá. Criollo families reigned from their lavish estates and employed men-at-arms for protection and for enforcing the repartimiento. The repartimiento was the law of the land the "way of things." Mayas, mestizos, and mulatos were forced to toil under the tropical sun in harsh labour under the command of the criollos. The mayas, descendants of the Mayan civilization, mined in the north and mastered the harvesting of corn an ancient art that saved many Europeans from starvation. They were forcibly secluded from society and isolated in Guatemala. Their towns were exhibitions where the mayas could be observed and studied from afar. This way, the criollos knew when a rebellion would take place and how to swiftly crush them. The mulatos were people of mixed Spanish and African ancestry. They were put to work by the repartimiento on the banana and coffee plantations on the Atlantic coast. Finally, the mestizos, those of mixed Spanish and native descent, were bound to the plantations along the Pacific coast. Those that did not lived dangerously in the rainforests and mountains inland, where the people were terrorised by bandits and colonial police. The majority of Central Americans were mestizo, but treated no better by the criollos, who saw anyone without the pureza de sangre, or pureness of blood, as inferior beings. Although the colonial period had ended, the “way of things” did not. Those who did not obey the repartimiento were punished severely. Men, women, and children continued to be hanged for breaking the repartimiento. For those that followed it, conditions on the plantations, or haciendias, were harsh. The workers lived in mud and stick huts that dotted around the immense palaces of the criollos.

The new Federal Republic of Central America aimed at terminating this way of life for good. Upon his death, the Wise One was casted aside. Few took his abolition of the repartimiento seriously. Wealthy criollo families and the Catholic Church formed a conservative coalition, the partido conservador, to ensure that his successors would not follow the same liberal path. The second president, Manuel José Arce, a once liberal follower of del Valle, betrayed his former mentor and became a tool of the conservadores. He expelled several liberal politicians from office and angered the original founders of the Federal Republic of Central America the writers of the Constitution and admirers of del Valle. The liberales. They saw the end of the federation near. The end of their great dream to flower democracy in Latin America. The dissolution of something they worked so hard to achieve. Something that drove the Wise One to his death.

With the hopes and dreams of the Central American federation on the edge of a precipice, the liberales founded the partido liberal. The partido liberal quickly consolidated power in congress and launched a ferocious campaign of words against the partido conservador. The educated class of criollos were convinced by one charismatic man who led the liberal charge the general Francisco Morazán Quesada. An orator, lawmaker, and soldier, Morazán became a shining star in a dark sky of pessimism and despair. They were convinced by Morazán that the liberales were the true successors of the Wise One, a man that aligned himself with neither the liberales nor the conservadores. The Wise One, who had brought peace and respect to Central America. The Wise One, who wrote a constitution that was overwhelmingly liberal. The Wise One, who believed in one Central America, one President, for one people. These criollos were convinced the first victory of Morazán towards a true revolution.

After the betrayal of the Wise One, the now liberal congress voted in Morazán as third President of the Federation in 1830. Manuel José Arce, second holder of the office of governance, would die soon after, in absolute poverty. The road was now open for Morazán and the liberales. Now, as Morazán wrote, the Federal Republic of Central America could truly be “born.” But this road was not unchallenged. All around the new president, armies lined the horizon. Behind them, the shadows of priests and swollen men pushed towards Morazán, whom gazed up at the star-lit sky, dreaming.

The Central American Federation (in blue)

The Central American Federation rules the seas, yes, but not through the underfunded and corrupt navy. They rule it because the CAF is a hub for American piracy (the scurvy kind, not the torrent kind).

Hello all! This is the Federation of Central America, a country that I’ve been planning to form in the geopolitical roleplay simulator known as geosim. I’ve been a regular player there for almost a year now, and I must recommend that you come and try it out, at least for a bit! Season 7 is beginning May 20th, 2018.

With the obligatory advertisement out of the way, let’s get to the part most of you will probably be interested in: some context! A Central American Federation, as most of you will know, has tried and failed twice in the world. The first one, known as the Federal Republic of Central America, faced insurmountable problems and slid into civil war. The second, a short-lived union between Honduras, El Salvador, and Nicaragua, collapsed when General Tomás Regalado took power in El Salvador.

“Well, what makes this one different?” you may ask. The main thing that makes this different is how:
a) This isn’t taking place in the real world dummy
b) Third time’s the charm

With the doubt firmly removed from your mind, let us explore the world that I have created. The Federation of Central America has 8 member states: Maya, Guatemala, Belize, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, Costa Rica, and Panama. The states have a slightly larger amount of freedom in legislature than a standard American state. Executive power is considerably more consolidated on all levels except local, with the veto power being considerably stronger than is usual and a lack of term limits.

Guatemala, as all of you noticed, is really large compared to its normal size. This is because the State of Chiapas was stripped from Mexico when Mexico was in a state of dysfunctionality and could not combat Guatemala attempts to reclaim previous land. This state of dysfunctionality was caused by the rise of a Mayan ethnostate movement. Guatemala’s agreed to support this movement if the new state would join the CAF. Thus, with support from the Guatemalans, the Mayans achieved the independence of Campeche, Quintana Roo, and Yucatan states of Mexico.

The finalisation of the CAF was made using a heavily modified Central American Integration System (with the removal of the black sheep the Dominican Republic). The CAIS put into place many ambitious projects which improved the Human Development Index rating across Central America.

Here are some facts about this newly formed country.

If formed during 2016, the CAF would have a GDP of $338,406,000,000

If formed during 2016, the CAF would have a population of 50,720,000 (roughly accounting for expansion of the Maya state population until 2016)

This gives us a GDP per capita of $6,672

Note: This isn’t going to be what the GDP per capita of the CAF is, mainly because one of the main projects involve slowing birth rates and boosting economic output

The CAF plans to suck US dick to gain their support in unification

Foreign relations vary greatly, even regionally. Mexico can’t stand the CAF, whereas Colombia will at least tolerate the country.

The Republic - A Central American AAR

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When I decided I wanted to try my hand at throwing together an AAR, I asked myself, "Does the forum really need another Central America AAR?" The answer to that question was an emphatic YES.

This is my first AAR, so criticism is greatly appreciated, no matter how negative or positive. I couldn't really decide on a style I wanted to shoot for, but I really enjoy the history book and gameplay styles, so expect a mix of both. I don't speak Spanish, so I'll try to keep any unintentional butchery of the Spanish language to a minimum. This will not be a world conquest, or an exercise in conquest. For the most part, I'll be trying to play "realistically" and keep things within the realm of plausibility. as far as that's possible while playing Victoria II.

I'll be playing HOD 3.01, the country will be Central America (obviously) and because I'm far better at making maps than writing, here's a map to get things started!

Europa Universalis IV - Pax Quaeritur Bello: Cromwell's Republic (Died a horrible death)
- Winner of AAR showcase of the week, Feb, 9, 2014

Victoria II - The Republic - A Central American AAR (Complete)
- Winner of AARtist of the month, June 2013
- Winner of AAR showcase of the week, June 12, 2013
- Winner of AARLand Choice Awards Q1/Q2/Q3/Q4 2013


Slumberous Scribe


Ehem. I'll be watching this eagerly, especially as I played along much the same style of game-play for my AAR. Though I suppose yours will likely have screenshots from the game itself. Your map is also very well made.



The afternoon sun dripped out of the pale blue sky, splashing against the walls of the decaying white frame of the hacienda. It pooled over the large terrace and spilled over the railings, falling over the courtyard below. The peeling wooden beams groaned in protest of the heat. The once palatial home seemed a frail, broken skeleton of its former glory. It sat creaking atop the lush green hills of Puerto de La Libertad, staring across the pacific like an old general in tattered uniform, his days of glory a distant and faded memory.

President Miguel Vasconcelos stood alone on the terrace, his white-gloved hands gripping tightly on the railing. He inhaled the sweet Pacific air deeply. The rays of the evening sun fell heavy over his shoulders, soaking into his crisp blue coat and falling into puddles around his spotless black boots.

"Señor!" A shrill panicked voice echoed over the terrace from the large french doors to the Presidents personal quarters. A young woman in housekeepers uniform stood leaning out of the room, her hands shaking. "We must leave now!"

"Gracias Annette," Miguel replied coolly, his voice deep and indifferent.

"Leave in the carriages with my wife and children." He paused and turned slightly. "I will ride out with my men."

The woman nodded and scurried back inside. Miguel closed his eyes and took another deep breath.

From under the terrace the sounds of the large bay windows shattering jerked the President from his meditation. The crackling of flame filled his ears. The thick, earthy smell of the dust kicked up in the courtyard filled his nose. Another window shatters. The rush of air sucked into the hacienda by the bursting flames is reminiscent of the last desperate breaths of a dying man.

Miguel opens his eyes and turns his head down, surveying the chaos in the courtyard. Through the thick brown and red clouds of dust and smoke, hundreds of torches flicker and dance. The shouting was deafening.

"Libertad!" the mob cries in unison.

Another sickening crash, and the sharp splintering of glass reverberates into the aching beams of the hacienda. Miguel loosens his grip on the railing and lowers his right hand, placing it firmly on the butt of his pistol. The engraved silver around the weapon, hot from the August sun, burns his hand. He unclasps the holster strap and closes his eyes again. The din of the mob melts out of his ears and a sense of calm envelopes him, pushing back the smell of the dust and the intense heat of the sun. The fear that clawed at his heart releases its grip.

Miguel shifted his gaze over the pacific as he pulled the pistol from its holster. The ocean was calm and beautiful, glowing pink and orange and sparkling brightly. It shimmered over the western horizon and blended into the blue of the sky stretching the distance from earth to the heavens. The barrel of the pistol was cool against his head.

From the back of the hacienda he could hear the grinding of carriage wheels and the clop of hooves knocking along the the cobble road, rushing away from the flames and the chaos.

"Keep my children safe." Miguel whispered, hoping God could hear his voice over the screams of the mob and the crackle of the flames feasting at the dry timbers of the hacienda. Acrid black clouds of smoke billowed over the terrace, and the red glitter of flames shone from the shattered glass.

The loud crack of the pistol exploded over the terrace and spilled over the courtyard, flowing over the clamoring crowd like a wave. The mob recoiled and held its breath, struggling to see the scene playing out above them through the smoke and flame.

As the bullet exploded from the barrel and splintered Miguel's skull, he felt only the warmth of the afternoon sun. His legs gave way and his body slowly collapsed to the ground. All he could feel was warmth. A crimson pool ebbed from his wound painting the terrace a bleak, sickly shade of red blackened by ash. For the first moment in years, he felt peace.

As the great black unknown wrapped itself over President Miguel's broken body, the mob below cheered.

This was not the story of the beginning of the republic. Nor was it the story of the end. The blood and flames that surrounded President Miguel Vasconcelos death in August of 1899 was the story of a transition. It was the story of a marked change in the direction of the Federal Republic of Central America, mirrored in the changing world around it. It marked an end to a period of fear and violence that began nearly eighty years earlier in the summer of 1823, when the Republic was born.

Europa Universalis IV - Pax Quaeritur Bello: Cromwell's Republic (Died a horrible death)
- Winner of AAR showcase of the week, Feb, 9, 2014

Victoria II - The Republic - A Central American AAR (Complete)
- Winner of AARtist of the month, June 2013
- Winner of AAR showcase of the week, June 12, 2013
- Winner of AARLand Choice Awards Q1/Q2/Q3/Q4 2013




Ehem. I'll be watching this eagerly, especially as I played along much the same style of game-play for my AAR. Though I suppose yours will likely have screenshots from the game itself. Your map is also very well made.

Europa Universalis IV - Pax Quaeritur Bello: Cromwell's Republic (Died a horrible death)
- Winner of AAR showcase of the week, Feb, 9, 2014

Victoria II - The Republic - A Central American AAR (Complete)
- Winner of AARtist of the month, June 2013
- Winner of AAR showcase of the week, June 12, 2013
- Winner of AARLand Choice Awards Q1/Q2/Q3/Q4 2013


People's Commissar of the Navy

Let's Learn Victoria 2 with Professor von Bismarck -- Episodes Tuesday and Thursday
Like what you see? Check out my Inkwell for awards and completed AARs!

If you see me post in yellow with the Paradox watermark, I am posting as a demi moderator. Do not reply in thread: send me a PM. Forum Rules|AARland Rules|fAARq


You mother baka

So Close to God: An Empire of Mexico AAR
A New PDM Mexico AAR for Victoria II: Heart of Darkness

Loyal we Began, Loyal we Remain: A History of the British Empire After the Great War
A New Canadian Kaiserreich AAR for Darkest Hour [KR 1.5]
Winner of: AARland Choice Awards Q1 2014, Q2 2015

- I was Fan of the Week: 01/01/2012 and 26/05/2013 and WritAAR of the Year: 2013

More AARs avaliable at my Inkwell! (硯臺)


Comrade Belgie


People's Commissar of the Navy

Let's Learn Victoria 2 with Professor von Bismarck -- Episodes Tuesday and Thursday
Like what you see? Check out my Inkwell for awards and completed AARs!

If you see me post in yellow with the Paradox watermark, I am posting as a demi moderator. Do not reply in thread: send me a PM. Forum Rules|AARland Rules|fAARq



Authors Note: This post is entirely pre-game history. It's based on the real history (kinda like how Braveheart is a serious historical documentary), but doesn't represent any actual gameplay. It's also obscenely long. If you're not interested in lots of words or the early history of Central America, you can give this a miss and it won't really affect your enjoyment of the rest of the AAR. If you're a fan of verbose introductory text, read on. The first 'real' post of the AAR will be along shortly, by the weekend at the latest.

The history of the republic: 1820-1836​

The fall of the Spanish Empire had a profound effect on the world and shook the Americas to their core. Years of instability and revolution between the colonies and the Spanish Crown in Europe came to a head during the first quarter of the 19th century.

The Spanish Viceroyalty of New Spain declared her independence on February 24, 1821. General Agustín de Iturbide proclaimed the Independence of Mexico under the "Plan of Iguala". The plan was comprised of three things: The dominance of Roman Catholicism, Independence from the Spanish Crown, and the constitutional equality of all people, regardless of social or ethnic group, within the state.

To the south in the Spanish Kingdom of Guatemala a political crisis erupted over this declaration. On April 10th, in Guatemala City, Captain General Brigadier Gabino Gainza issued a statement denouncing the 'Plan of Iguala' and pledging the Captaincy General to the Spanish Crown. The people of Central America, mainly the local politicians and landholders, saw the potential value in joining with Mexico. Various leaders within the Kingdom of Guatemala began siding with the Mexican revolutionaries, acknowledging the Plan of Iguala and declaring their own independence.

On September 8th of 1821, the people of Chiapas declared their independence. El Salvador followed suit. Within days, most major cities and provinces within the Captaincy General were threatening to join in open rebellion against the crown. Gabino Gainza saw the writing on the wall, and on September 15th, a popular assembly called by the Council of Guatemala City proclaimed the "Acta de Independencia", declaring the official independence of the territories under the Kingdom of Guatemala. Gabino Gainza was named "Poder Supremo", the executive leader of an independent Central American union.

After nearly a year of stabilizing the Central American territories, Captain Gainza sent communications to the Regent of Mexico, Agustín de Iturbide, that the Kingdom was independent and keen on stabilizing relations with its neighbours. Iturbide responded

" . the current interests of Mexico and Guatemala are so identical and indivisible, that separate or independent nations cannot be erected without risking their existence or security . "

Iturbide sent this response with the Mexican General Vicente Filisola, who rode into Guatemala with an army. His orders were to ensure the people of the "independent" state maintain "enjoyment of their civil liberty and rights as men living in society". In truth, Mexico sought to join Central America to their growing imperial republic. The Mexican army met with little resistance, and for the remainder of the year, Mexico was in de facto control of Central America.

In Mexico proper, Agustín had declared himself the first Emperor of Mexico, with full support of the Church. This greatly angered the republican factions in Mexico who fought so hard for independence from the monarchy. Outwardly, they claimed it broke the Plan of Iguala. Internally, however, they feared a loss of republican power to an absolutist monarch. The republicans found support against Iturbide in the Liberal Mexican Congress. Through the newspaper "El Sol", they had a popular public voice to share their opinions against the Emperor. The United States of America sent the republicans support in the form of money and equipment.

Emperor Agustín wasn't a poor leader, nor was he acting rashly. He believed establishing the empire would act as a deterrent from a planned Spanish invasion, which it did. He assumed the Liberal republicans were not strong enough to stand up forcefully against the conservative power in Mexico, which they weren't. He expected the crowns in Europe would quickly recognize Mexico and resume trade and normal relations. He likely would have been right were it not for the fact that the Kings of Europe saw him as little more than a rebel and a pretender to a false throne. Relations did not normalize, and trade did not resume. Mexico spiraled into bankruptcy, and Iturbide needed to modify policy to ensure he was able to project power over his people, his congress, and keep the looming threat of Spanish invasion at bay.

Iturbide sealed his own fate when, in an attempt to try to maintain his powerful army and lavish lifestyle, he imposed a 40% property tax on the landed elite of Mexico. Opposition groups from all sides of the political spectrum, including the Catholic clergy, joined forces to remove the emperor from power. Valentín Gómez Farías, Gertrudis Bocanegra, and Antonio López de Santa Anna began to work towards ending the regime and reinstating a republican system of government.

Central America saw their chance to remove the cloud of Mexican hegemony from over their rightfully independent state. In the early days of 1823, authorities throughout the Central American provinces convened to declare the independence of what was the Kingdom of Guatemala as the United Provinces of Central America. No resistance would come from Mexico. By February of the same year, weeks after Central Americas declaration of independence from Mexico, Santa Anna marched his army into Mexico City and forced a meeting with Emperor Agustín where terms of the emperor’s abdication and exile were dictated. On May 11, the once-emperor fled Mexico and entered into exile in Livorno, Italy. Mexico was a republic once again, and Central America's independence was assured.

Vicente Filisola was forced to leave Central America and return to Mexico, which, as an opponent to the Emperor, he was more than happy to do. The new republican leaders of Central America, who primarily represented wealthy land-owning Creoles, quickly drew up a constitution. The first Central American constitution established a federal capital in Guatemala City, basic autonomy of the Central American states, the abolishment of slavery, and the privileges of the Roman Catholic Church. Suffrage was restricted to the landed elite. This first draft of the constitution was remarkable for its balance and moderation between demands of the three major powers in play at the time The Liberals, the Conservatives, and the Church. Elections were rapidly held in the constituent states of the United Provinces so to establish a federal congress and elect the first provincial presidents.

On the 10th of July, 1823, the strongly liberal slanted congress established the first federal government, led by three men:

Dr. Pedro Molina Mazariegos, a professor at the Universidad de San Carlos de Guatemala and leader of the Central American independence party "Los Cacos". He was elected as President of the state of Los Altos.

Antonio Cabezas, a liberal lawyer and politician, he was elected as President of the state of Guatemala.

Juan Diaz, also a liberal, was the elected President of the state of El Salvador.

This Triumvirate rapidly began to push for liberal reform and distance themselves from the Catholic conservative elites. Tensions mounted as Conservative politicians lobbied that congress should represent their party in any interim governments. Cabezas and Mazariegos would leave the triumvirate by October, to be replaced by middle ground leaders Tomas O'Horan and Jose Arriaga. This did little to stabilize the tense politics, and early in 1824 the triumvirate expanded to include two distinct personalities. The Liberal leader and General, Manuel Jose Arce, and the Conservative leader and philosopher, Jose Cecilio del Valle.

Arce and del Valle were polar opposites. Arce lived by the sword. He was an active combatant and leader during the early independence movements against Spain in 1811. A strong opposer of Emperor Iturbide, he commanded troops against the Mexican commander Manuel Arzu. During his studies in philosophy and medicine at the Universidad de San Carlos de Borromeo, he developed strong liberal ideals. A vital, ambitious, military man, Manuel Arce first attempted to lead a liberal revolution in Cuba before returning to his home in San Salvador and entering into Central American politics with the Liberals.

Jose Cecilio del Valle was a pacifist, philosopher, lawyer and politician. del Valle lived by the pen. Educated at the University of San Carlos, he developed his conservative views under the tutelage of Father Jose Antonio Liendo y Goycochea. It was del Valle who wrote the first Central American declaration of Independence from Spain, and his moderation and wisdom that saw the first constitution written to appease the three political camps. Outspoken against the Mexican annexation in 1822, he was imprisoned under charges of conspiracy until the fall of the Mexican Empire. He was released and given a post as the Foreign Minister of Mexico, which he held for a year before deciding to return home to Central America. Jose Cecilio del Valle was a brilliant, calculating man, and skilled diplomat. He earned his nickname, los sabios (The Wise), through devotion to his political ideals and dedication to always choosing words over weapons.

If the two leaders were able to set aside their differences and work together, del Valle and Arce would have formed a formidable political force in Central America. Combined they had all of the necessary skills for greatness, along with the support of the common people. Instead, their political parties fought bitterly for control of the Federal government, to push their opposing liberal and conservative policies. Arce and del Valle struggled to maintain stability and civility. The divide would grow in bitterness and anger, leading to uprisings among the states within the United Provinces.

The early triumvirates would come to an end with the controversial first federal election. Arce and del Valle were running against each other for the first Presidency of the infant Republic. Where Arce had the support of the landed elite, including strong and powerful friends in the Central American congress, del Valle earned the respect and support of the common people and the Church.

During the voting process, it was clear the popular del Valle would obtain the most votes from the states within the United Provinces. To the people, even among the liberal elites, del Valle was the founder of their republic and deserved the presidency. To the church, del Valle was a friend and an ally who would ensure the Catholics retain their deserved rights in government. The wealthiest land owners, however, feared his conservative views would lead to higher taxation and restriction on free trade. Most importantly, they feared del Valle would offer rights and freedoms to the native central american peoples that they exploited to near slavery conditions in the fruit and coffee plantations of Honduras, Nicaragua and Costa Rica.

Even though del Valle cleanly won the popular vote, the liberal Congress had a different interpretation of the count and forced a second round of voting. During the second vote, astonishingly, Arce was declared the winner by a slim margin. The Liberals across the Republic celebrated their presidential victory. The conservatives were outraged. del Valle urged calm and dignity, and vowed to work with the Liberal president and his Congress. Acre's Presidency, and the first presidency of the state, was stained with doubt and rejection by the people across the country.

Arce himself grew resentful of the election win. He began to question the will of those that placed him in power. He sought compromise with the conservatives, particularly in del Valle. Acre would prove himself a skilled leader in the face of adversity, ending armed uprisings in Nicaragua and San Salvador with little to no bloodshed. He oversaw policies that would give rights back to the church and the people that the liberal congress originally forced him to revoke in their favour. He quickly lost the support of his own liberal government. Mired by controversy and conspiracy, his government collapsed in 1826. With the Federal government’s disintegration, Central America descended into anarchy. Arce was able to achieve some military control of the divided states, but was forced to step down from the presidency. The disgraced Jose Arce would join the side of conservatives in rebellion against the party that placed him in power. The Liberal party chose a new leader to represent them in Francisco Morazán.

Morazán was a self-educated man. He received minimal education as a child growing up in Honduras. He learned to read and write in the local church. He learned politics while working as a clerk for the town Mayor. Showing talent, he was eventually placed under the tutelage of Leon Vasquez, who taught him civil law. He learned to read French, and veraciously digested histories of Europe and biographies of Roman emperors. During the Mexican annexation of Central America, Morazán volunteered in the Honduran resistance militia, where he achieved the rank of Captain. After the fall of the Mexican Empire, Morazán's uncle, Dionisio de Herrera, was elected President of Honduras, and in turn Morazán was named his secretary. He became a staunch supporter of the liberal party.

Morazán's skills in negotiating real and workable compromises and establishing order gained him respect among all sides of the political spectrum. During the civil war, his military victories at La Trinidad, El Gualcho, and Lempa River earned him respect within the army. Morazán was a pivotal piece in ending the civil war and rebuilding a working government for the United Provinces. Both he and the conservative leader del Valle worked together to rebuild the republic from its near ruin.
On the 16th of June, 1830, Morazán was officially and unanimously elected as President of the re-established and re-named Federal Republic of Central America. In his inaugural speech he declared:

"The sovereign people send me, to place myself, in the most dangerous of their destinies. I must obey and fulfill, the solemn oath that I have just rendered. I offer, to uphold the Federal Constitution, which I defended as a soldier and as a citizen."

Morazán sought to re-establish the government based on the ideals of the enlightenment era thinkers. He declared free trade, built schools, and began many infrastructure projects throughout the country. He sponsored immigration programs to inject foreign capital into the state. Where Arce had met with scandal and resistance which forced him to compromise with the conservatives and the Church, Morazán would not. He quickly moved to limit the powers of the Church. He established policies of secularization, removing the dominating Catholic clergy from government. He confiscated Church property, and removed the Church from educational institutions, instead placing a growing class of liberal intelligista in control of Universities and schools. As a show of compromise to the Conservatives, Morazán begged Jose Cecilio del Valle to join him as Vice President.

Unfortunately, del Valle refused to leave his position as leader of the conservatives. To appease his liberal congress, he awarded trade rights and monopolies to the vast plantations in Honduras and Nicaragua. He appointed numerous liberals to the senate, chosen among his supporters and friends from the civil war.

The more Morazán pushed a reform agenda, the more he upset the Church and conservatives. Rebellion spilled out over San Salvador against several federal decrees. Morazán easily put down the rebellion, but realized that if the state were to survive, compromise and constitutional change would be required. Morazán reached out to del Valle again, asking for advice and direction. This time del Valle extended his hand back, and with the two men working together, the situation in Central America stabilized.

What Morazán did not expect, however, was the growing rebel sentiment from the common people and the indigenous Central Americans. Morazán pushed hard to ensure reforms that would grant all classes of people within the country more rights and freedoms, but as they were given more, their anger only grew. It was the shrewd politicking of del Valle that held them at bay through Morazán's first term as president.

In 1834, Morazán's term as President ended. Jose Cecilio del Valle would be his opponent once again. This time, del Valle would not be denied. With popular support on his side and growing resentment to the Liberal government, del Valle won the election in a landslide so marked, not even the Liberal congress could miscount it. Morazán graciously handed over the Presidency and agreed to devote himself to working with del Valle to strengthen and rebuild the fragile foundations of the Republic, with a moderate blend of both Conservative and Liberal views. All of Central America believed that with Morazán and del Valle together, The Republic was destined for a golden age. Peace and prosperity was finally a possibility.

Weeks after winning the election del Valle fell ill. He died while travelling to Guatemala City to receive treatment. Morazán decreed three days of national mourning for his death, and for those three days politics didn't matter in Central America. The republic had lost its father. New elections were called and without any real opposition from the conservatives, Morazán won handedly.

Without del Valle to temper Morazán's liberal agenda and to keep the conservatives civil, tensions began to rise. The conservatives were leaderless but still strong. The Church was growing more resentful and more vicious in their attacks on the government with every passing day. Morazán struggled to continue his path of modernization and reform, but met with roadblocks at every turn.

It was during this desperate first year of Morazán's second presidency that he began to realize why the masses were rejecting his leadership. Exploitation by the creole landowners grew to such levels that the already poor lower classes were forced into massive debt, driving the fragile local economy into complete destitution. Unable to pay rent, the poor were forced into virtual slavery. There was a seat in school for every child, but no parent could afford them. With Morazán's ban on Church run schools in place, even basic levels of education were non-existent to 90% of the population. The well-established Creole horded the valuable produce grown in the country for themselves and sold the rest to traders from Mexico and the United States, causing widespread famine and driving up the cost of basic goods. The angrier the people were at their horrible conditions, the more they turned to the one place they could find refuge. The Church. The Catholics used this opportunity to whip the people into frenzy against the government.

By the time Morazán had realized what he had done, it was too late. He back-peddled on earlier policy and tried to negotiate with the people, offering them wages paid by the state and free education at many schools. He moved the capital from Guatemala to San Salvador where the conservative politicians had established a sizable power base. He forced the retirement of several senators and appointed conservatives in their place. This seemed to abate the anger boiling within the country, and Morazán only hoped he could win back the confidence of the people while the conservatives were still leaderless and without direction. Even still, every citizen, rich or poor, felt the country turn in to a powder keg, stuffed to the seams and ready to explode. All it needed was the slightest spark.

This is when a man named Rafael Carrera emerged from obscurity.

This is where our story begins.

Side Note:
Agustín Iturbide would return to Mexico on the 14th of July 1824 to show support to Mexico and offer aid should rumours of an imminent Spanish invasion come to pass. He was promptly arrested by General Filipe de la Garza and sentenced to death. He was executed by firing squad on 19 July 1824, his body abandoned at the parish church of Padilla. After several years of inglorious treatment, his remains were eventually transported to Mexico City, trumpeted as a hero of Mexico and the revolution. His urn is marked by the inscription:

"Agustín de Iturbide, author of the Independence of Mexico. Compatriot, cry for him passerby, admire him. This monument guards the ashes of a hero. May his soul rest in the bosom of God."

Oh, how time changes all things.

Europa Universalis IV - Pax Quaeritur Bello: Cromwell's Republic (Died a horrible death)
- Winner of AAR showcase of the week, Feb, 9, 2014

Victoria II - The Republic - A Central American AAR (Complete)
- Winner of AARtist of the month, June 2013
- Winner of AAR showcase of the week, June 12, 2013
- Winner of AARLand Choice Awards Q1/Q2/Q3/Q4 2013

World War Two (1950s)

By the 1950, the biggest threat is not Germany, but Russia. Without World War II to kill off their population, Russia grows much more powerful, eventually trying to expand into Ukraine and SuperCanada, and sparking this world's second World War. The sides are much different for one thing, Germany and Russia have switched sides. Instead of fighting Fascism, the Allies are fighting Communism. German engineers create the atomic bomb, but it never needs to be used Russia's European and Asian allies are much weaker than Germany's allies, and the war is over before the bomb is complete.

Talk:Territorial evolution of the Caribbean

from Colombia conquers Bocas del Toro, which was part of Costa Rica as defined in 1573 by the king Felipe II. In 1941 this issues were resolved between Costa Rica and (now) Panama.

This is an excellent set of maps so far, but a couple of dates/events seem to be missing:

  • The second attempt at Central American union in October 1852 when El Salvador, Honduras and Nicaragua created a Federation of Central America (Federación de Centro América). The union lasted less than a month.
  • The third attempt at Central American union when Honduras, Nicaragua, and El Salvador formed the Greater Republic of Central America or "República Mayor de Centroamérica" from 1896 to 1898.
  • The control of the Bay Islands throughout the time period, passing from Spain to Britain and then to Honduras around the same time that the Miskito coast was transferred to Honduras and Nicaragua.
  • The various times when Haiti was split into two or three states:
    • 1806-1820 - A north Haiti (State of Haiti and later Kingdom of Haiti) and a south Haiti (the Republic of Haiti or Haiti as we know it today)
    • 1810-1812 - the two Haitian states plus a secessionist Department of the South centred around Les Cayes.
    • 1868-1869 and 1888-1889 - when a northern Haitian state was re-established.
    • The US occupation of the Dominican Republic from 1916 to 1924 (the series already shows the US occupation of Haiti from 1915-1934 and the US occupations of Cuba from 1899-1902 and 1906-1909, so it should probably include the occupation of the Dominican Republic).

    Also, during WWII, wasn't Curacao occupied by the UK and then US along with Aruba? (talk) 18:35, 29 January 2010 (UTC)

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    Former Countries

    And then the Oliver Stone movie came out and depicted Alexander having a fondness for one of his generals (besides his wife). All of a sudden Macedonian nationalists declared Alexander must have been Albanian all along.

    All those things happened long before contemporary nation states, nationalism, a lot of migrations, religions, etc.

    Still nationalists try to put very selected parts of historical figures on pedestals. It's almost a religion on it's own, with deities or saints.

    Only a very small percentage of the ancient Macedonia belongs to the now called FYROM. FYROM doesn't sit "squarely in", only this small part. While the Greek part contains also the tomb of the Phillipp II, the capital of ancient Macedonia, the birthplace of Alexander and Phillip etc.

    I preemptively accept your apology.

    The use of Macedonia from you also suggest bias in my opinion too, but I won't start answering you with this.

    Dwight: when you're talking about a kingdom that existed in ancient history and pursued an expansionist military policy for decades you're going to come up with different maps. The point is, in ALL of these maps, the borders of the ancient kingdom of Macedonia include AT LEAST a large chunk of the modern nation-state the Republic of Macedonia, if they don't include the country's territory in its entirety. Your argument is incredibly weak. If Syria wanted to call itself Macedonia, you know what? Nobody should care. Let them. Countries have the right to name themselves whatever they want.

    Watch the video: Map: History of Central America 1800-2018 - Every year (May 2022).


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  6. Ardwolf

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